For decades, Malawi’s political landscape has been shaped by the rise and fall of dominant parties, each carrying its own legacy, promises, and shortcomings. Among them, the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) remains one of the most historically significant. However, as Malawi continues to evolve socially, economically, and politically, there is growing debate over whether the MCP can realistically regain national dominance in future elections. This analysis examines key factors that critics argue may continue to limit the MCP’s prospects of returning to power. The MCP’s long rule during the one-party era remains a defining chapter in Malawi’s political history. For many Malawians—particularly older generations—memories of political repression, politically  motivated violence against critics, limited freedoms, and centralized authority are still vivid. While the party has repeatedly attempted to rebrand itself as democratic and reform-oriented, critics argue that historical perceptions have proven difficult to erase, especially in an era where democratic values are deeply entrenched. Malawi’s politics has often been influenced by regional voting patterns. Observers note that the MCP has historically enjoyed strong support in specific regions but has struggled to consistently build a broad, cross-regional coalition. In contrast, parties that succeed nationally tend to demonstrate inclusivity, diversity in leadership, and policies that resonate across regional and ethnic lines. Without a clear strategy to expand its appeal nationwide, analysts argue that the MCP risks remaining regionally confined. Internal divisions, factionalism, and leadership disputes have periodically weakened the MCP. Political analysts point out that when a party appears divided or lacks a clear succession plan, voter confidence is undermined. In an increasingly competitive political environment, unity, clarity of vision, and strong grassroots organization are essential for electoral success. Malawi has a youthful population, with a significant proportion of voters born after the one-party era. These young voters are less influenced by liberation-era politics and more concerned with practical issues such as employment, education, entrepreneurship, digital innovation, and good governance. Critics argue that the MCP has struggled to articulate a compelling, forward-looking agenda that speaks directly to these aspirations in a convincing and consistent manner. Where the MCP has held power or significant influence, public expectations have been high. However, like many parties before it, the gap between promises and delivery has attracted criticism. Issues such as economic hardship, governance challenges, and public service delivery continue to shape voter perceptions. In Malawian politics, performance in office often weighs more heavily than rhetoric, and disappointment can quickly translate into electoral backlash. Unlike in the past, Malawi now has a crowded and competitive political field. New alliances, emerging parties, and stronger opposition movements have made it increasingly difficult for any single party to dominate. This pluralism means that voters have more alternatives, and loyalty to one party can no longer be taken for granted. Whether or not the Malawi Congress Party will ever return to power remains a matter for the electorate to decide. However, critics argue that historical baggage, regional limitations, internal challenges, and shifting voter priorities continue to pose significant obstacles. In a rapidly changing Malawi, political survival depends on adaptability, inclusivity, and tangible results—qualities voters increasingly demand from all parties seeking their mandate.

The phrase “Wadya Ntoliro,” now widely circulated on social media and referenced in satirical music pieces, has become one of the most talked-about political expressions following the 2025 presidential election. The origin of the phrase has been linked to Kondwani Mdoko, a young Malawi Congress Party (MCP) supporter whose influence on campaign messaging has drawn debate across the political divide. The expression gained prominence after former President Lazarus Chakwera was captured on video in Mzuzu, stepping out of the State Lodge and casually said it on camera. At the time, many Malawians questioned what the expression meant and why it had suddenly entered the national political space. Following the decisive 16 September 2025 elections—where Chakwera and the MCP were defeated—the phrase resurfaced online and took on new interpretations, with critics using it to symbolise what they describe as misplaced priorities and ineffective communication during Chakwera’s administration. Political analysts have argued that the incident reflects broader concerns about the party’s campaign strategy during the 2025 polls. Some observers believe the MCP leadership relied too heavily on informal advice from young cadres instead of seasoned political strategists, contributing to mixed messaging and public confusion. Meanwhile, in the post-election period, a separate issue involving the reported theft of four State House security dogs has also generated public commentary. Former State House officer Godfrey Jalale was arrested in connection with the matter, drawing further scrutiny over security management during the previous administration. These incidents have collectively fuelled social media conversations, with artists producing songs referencing “Wadya Ntoliro,” turning the phrase into a cultural symbol of the 2020–2025 political era. Critics of the former administration argue that the spread of the phrase underscores broader concerns about communication gaps, inconsistent decision-making, and internal advisory challenges during Chakwera’s presidency. Supporters of the former president, however, say the phrase has been blown out of proportion and used unfairly for political ridicule following the electoral loss. As the country moves forward under new leadership, the “Wadya Ntoliro” phenomenon remains a reminder of how quickly public communication moments can transform into national talking points—shaping political narratives long after elections are concluded.

When the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) returned to power in June 2020 through the court-ordered Fresh Presidential Election, the triumph was anchored almost entirely in the unwavering loyalty of the Central Region—particularly Lilongwe and surrounding districts. For nine months, thousands of young people, activists, and party loyalists marched across the country demanding electoral justice. The street demonstrations of 2019–2020 were powered largely by Central Region citizens who viewed Lazarus Chakwera as a symbol of national renewal and democratic hope. Yet five years later, as Malawi approached the 2025 polls, MCP faced a dramatic collapse of enthusiasm among the very people who lifted it to State House. The question remains: What went wrong? This is a story of political miscalculations, regional alienation, controversial appointments, unmet campaign promises, and a widening disconnect between leadership and its loyal base. Between 2019 and 2020, MCP supporters from Lilongwe, Kasungu, Mchinji, Ntchisi, Dedza, and Nkhotakota marched almost daily—risking arrests, tear gas, job losses, and violence demanding nullification of the disputed 2019 election. Yet soon after assuming office in July 2020, President Chakwera made a statement that landed harshly on the ears of those same supporters: “I cannot afford to support each one of you from Nsanje to Chitipa. You send me messages every day threatening me that I have forgotten you.” Across the Central Region, the remark was interpreted as a dismissal of the foot soldiers who had sacrificed for MCP’s return to power. Instead of empowering long-standing MCP members—many of them educated professionals ready to serve—Chakwera was accused of disproportionately appointing individuals from the Malawi Assemblies of God, where he had served as President for 24 years before entering politics. This raised concerns within MCP strongholds that party loyalty had been overlooked in favour of religious networks. The perception of imbalance deepened when nearly 10 cabinet ministers were appointed from Lilongwe alone, leaving Kasungu, Mchinji, Ntchisi, Nkhotakota, and Dedza feeling sidelined. Only Dowa seemed to maintain consistent representation. A party that had long styled itself as “the home of the Central Region” now faced growing criticism from the very districts that built its legacy. Concerns about family influence also escalated. One example frequently raised by critics was the controversial UK trip during the COVID-19 lockdown, where the President travelled with his wife, daughter, and son-in-law—while the Foreign Affairs Minister, who would normally oversee such diplomatic duties, remained at home. Ironically, due to COVID restrictions, Chakwera ended up attending the event virtually. As economic hardship worsened between 2021 and 2023—marked by rising food prices, persistent fuel shortages, severe forex scarcity, and failing public services—the Central Region felt increasingly abandoned. A widely circulated narrative further damaged the administration’s image: allegations that families in Kasiya, the President’s home area, were receiving payouts said to be as high as K830,000 per individual per month. Whether accurate or exaggerated, the perception of selective benefit created a sense of betrayal among suffering communities. Meanwhile, the economy continued to deteriorate. The cost of living soared, basic goods became scarce, and the government struggled to stabilise the kwacha. Many campaign promises—youth jobs, reduced presidential travel, improved governance, and lower cost of living—remained unfulfilled. The disappointment was palpable. The passport crisis of 2022–2024 became a national embarrassment. Passport production nearly collapsed, and speculation—though disputed—linking the President’s son, Nick Chakwera, to passport system contracts intensified public frustration. Even without confirmed evidence, the perception alone was politically destructive. Adding to the national sense of uncertainty was the mysterious death of Vice President Dr. Saulos Klaus Chilima in a plane crash in June 2024. Many Malawians demanded answers that never came, and the unresolved questions deepened national anxiety and political distrust. On the other end of the spectrum, the consequences of earlier political unrest lingered. The killing of a police officer at Nsundwe during the violent 2019 demonstrations remained a reminder of the deep societal wounds that had never fully healed. As for MCP’s once-reliable religious support base, the clergy from Nkhoma Synod, Assemblies of God, and several faith networks that had mobilised heavily in 2020 were visibly absent by 2025. Many privately expressed disappointment in what they perceived as a government that lost direction and violated their expectations of integrity and servant leadership. Chakwera’s selection of Dr. Michael Usi Mumba as running mate for 2025 deepened internal rifts. Senior party officials and grassroots organizers opposed the choice, leading many to quietly withdraw from campaign activities. Ultimately, the campaign trail was spearheaded only by Chakwera, Richard Chimwendo Banda, Jessie Kabwila, and Mumba—while much of the party machinery sat out in silence. In politics, silence is fatal. In the end, MCP’s 2025 defeat underscored a painful reality: parties that ignore their loyal supporters eventually lose them. Highly qualified MCP professionals were overlooked. Trusted cadres felt abandoned. Outsiders occupied influential roles. And millions of disenchanted supporters simply stayed home. The Central Region—once MCP’s impenetrable fortress—sent a message that no political party should ever forget. The lesson is straightforward: Do not sideline loyal members. Do not reward strangers at the expense of your own base. Do not mistake silence for support. Loyalty has an expiry date. Just ask the Malawi Congress Party—and Lazarus Chakwera—who entered the 2025 election counting on their financial muscle, the Central Region, and more than three million registered voters, only to discover that the ground beneath them had shifted.

The election of Isaac Jomo Osman as Mayor of Blantyre City has sparked a heated national debate—one that exposes Malawi’s deep-rooted assumptions about education, leadership, and who is “qualified” to govern. While many ordinary citizens celebrate Jomo’s victory as a story of resilience and possibility, a vocal section of self-proclaimed elites insists that the mayor’s lack of formal schooling makes him unfit for office. Yet the criticism misses the larger point: Jomo’s journey is a reminder that leadership is not manufactured in classrooms. It is forged in experience, courage, and service. Jomo’s life story begins far from privilege. A former street kid in Blantyre, he never had the chance to sit in a classroom—an experience his critics often flaunt as their badge of superiority. His early life was spent navigating the streets, working as a call boy in Limbe, and eventually rising to lead his peers through confidence and instinctive leadership. Through sheer determination, he went on to: Establish Mtopwa Stars Football Club Run an orphanage supporting vulnerable children Sponsor a netball team Win the Deputy Mayor position in 2024 Be elected Mayor of Blantyre City in 2025 These are tangible achievements—community-centered, impact-driven, and self-built. Degrees did not create them. Vision did. Those attacking Osman’s educational background forget one fundamental principle of democracy: leadership is chosen by the people, not awarded by academic institutions. If the educated critics believe they are better qualified, they should contest elections—yet few do. Many prefer to participate from the comfort of social media timelines, offering commentary but avoiding the responsibility that comes with serving the public. Democracy does not belong to the educated alone. It belongs to all citizens, regardless of background. The world is full of examples proving that formal education is not the sole path to leadership or innovation. Some of the most successful global figures—including Bill Gates, Steve Jobs, Mark Zuckerberg, and Richard Branson—rose to prominence without university degrees. They thrived because of creativity, drive, and insight, not diplomas. Even Africa has its examples. Zimbabwe’s self-taught inventor who developed groundbreaking energy and automobile concepts is living proof that genius is not confined to classrooms. Instead of celebrating him, some mock and undermine him—just as some Malawians are doing with Jomo. Jomo’s rise reflects qualities often missing in traditional leaders such as confidence, high self-esteem, fearlessness, connection with grassroots communities, strategic intuition and commitment to youth empowerment. These are traits shaped by real-life struggle—not textbooks. Osman’s election should serve as a national reflection point. It challenges Malawians to rethink narrow definitions of leadership and to recognize that real change often comes from those who have lived the struggles of ordinary people. Leadership requires heart, not just head and the impact requires action, not just theories. Democracy requires participation, not just criticism. Isaac Jomo Osman has transformed his life from street survival to community service and now city leadership. He has built institutions, uplifted youth, and earned public trust—tasks many degree holders have never attempted. Mockery is misplaced. Recognition is overdue. Jomo is not simply a mayor without a classmate. He is a reminder that Malawi’s next generation of leaders may emerge from unlikely places—driven not by paper qualifications, but by purpose, courage, and lived experience. This is not just his victory. It is a lesson for the nation.

As the Human Rights Defenders Coalition (HRDC) resumes their intention to start street protests against the newly elected Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government led by Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika, many Malawians are raising questions about the group’s prolonged silence during the five-year administration of the Malawi Congress Party (MCP). The HRDC, which rose to prominence during the 2019–2020 demonstrations that challenged Mutharika’s presidency, had been notably inactive during the MCP-led Tonse Alliance government. This sudden resurgence of activism has left many citizens asking where the movement was when Malawians were facing some of the toughest social and economic challenges in recent memory. Between 2020 and 2025, Malawi endured multiple crises that left millions struggling. The country experienced acute hunger, with families in Machinga and Balaka reportedly resorting to eating wild beans (“chitedze”) for survival. The forex shortage led to persistent fuel queues, delayed importation of essential goods, and price spikes on commodities. ADMARC closures and alleged mismanagement of maize stocks, including reports of missing maize trucks, deepened food insecurity. Unemployment and inflation reached record highs, with the cost of living nearly tripling since 2020. During this period, several controversial incidents occurred that critics say demanded HRDC’s voice. These included the arrest of Anti-Corruption Bureau Director Martha Chizuma, the death of Vice President Dr. Saulos Chilima, and numerous reports of politically motivated violence involving panga-wielding groups allegedly affiliated with the MCP. Journalists such as Gregory Gondwe faced threats for exposing corruption, while some media outlets were reportedly forced to shut down. Observers are questioning why HRDC remained quiet during such incidents, despite its history of vocal activism under the previous DPP administration. Social commentators point out that during the DPP era, HRDC organized months of nationwide demonstrations over governance, corruption, and election issues. Yet, the same organization appeared muted when similar or even worse abuses allegedly occurred under the MCP. “Where was HRDC when civil servants were attacked for attempting demonstrations in Lilongwe, or when activists like Bon Kalindo and journalists faced repeated arrests?” asked one Lilongwe resident. “Why is it only speaking now, when the DPP is back in charge?” Malawians continue to recall unanswered questions from the last five years: The K23 billion COVID-19 funds scandal. The Sattar corruption saga that implicated over 80 officials. The repeated arrests of former presidential aide Norman Chisale. The alleged politicization of state institutions and regional bias in cabinet appointments. The killing of a Kabaza chairperson in Lilongwe and incidents of MCP-linked violence. Many citizens now question HRDC’s credibility, accusing the group of political bias and double standards in holding governments accountable. When contacted, HRDC officials maintain that their mission is to defend human rights and hold any government accountable. They argue that their renewed protests are driven by recent policy decisions, not political allegiance. However, the timing of their re-emergence—barely a month after Mutharika returned to office—has fueled speculation that the group may be pursuing political rather than purely civic objectives. Many Malawians say they are tired of street protests and prefer national unity and economic rebuilding. “People want solutions, not destruction,” said a Blantyre-based teacher. “We saw how the 2019 protests turned violent. We cannot afford to go back there.” As the DPP government begins implementing reforms aimed at stabilizing the economy, citizens appear divided—some supporting HRDC’s watchdog role, others urging it to act impartially and focus on constructive dialogue. The resurgence of HRDC has reignited debate about the role of civil society in Malawi’s democracy—whether it should act as an independent defender of citizens’ rights or as a political force. What remains clear is that Malawians, after five years of hardship, hunger, and corruption scandals, are demanding accountability from all sides, not selective activism.

 The Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC), once the nation’s pride and voice of unity, is facing renewed calls for rebranding and reform to restore public trust and independence after decades of political influence. Founded in 1964, the same year Malawi gained independence, MBC was established to promote education, culture, and national development. However, under the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) during the one-party era, it became a propaganda tool for Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda’s government, silencing dissenting voices. When multiparty democracy arrived in 1994, many Malawians expected change. Yet successive governments continued to use MBC to advance ruling party interests: 1964–1994: MCP under Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda 1994–2004: United Democratic Front (UDF) under Bakili Muluzi 2004–2012: Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) under Bingu wa Mutharika and Peter Mutharika 2012–2014: People’s Party (PP) under Joyce Banda 2014–2020: DPP under Peter Mutharika 2020–2025: MCP under Lazarus Chakwera Ironically, none of these parties retained power despite controlling MBC, reflecting how political manipulation of the broadcaster has failed to win voter confidence. Independent studies by MACRA, the Development Broadcasting Unit (DBU), and the National Statistical Office (NSO) highlight long-standing credibility issues at MBC. MACRA reports show that over 70% of airtime during elections promotes government activities, with the opposition receiving less than 10%. Public trust in MBC fell below 30% between 2020 and 2024. DBU findings reveal that 81% of rural listeners feel MBC does not reflect community voices. NSO surveys indicate that only 43% of citizens now view MBC as their most trusted news source, down from 67% in 2000. Young audiences increasingly prefer private and online media, such as Zodiak, Times Radio, and social platforms like Facebook, WhatsApp, and TikTok. Experts have called for a comprehensive review of the Act to ensure editorial independence, transparency, and accountability. Malawi now enjoys a vibrant media environment, with over 70 radio stations, 20 television stations, and more than 10 active newspapers.Private broadcasters such as Zodiak Broadcasting Station, Times TV, MIJ FM, and Capital Radio have become trusted alternatives.MACRA reports that over 6.3 million Malawians—around 30% of the population—now access news online and via social media, giving citizens more freedom to choose diverse information sources. Observers believe President Peter Mutharika’s administration (2025–2030) has a unique opportunity to depoliticize MBC and transform it into a professional, people-centered public broadcaster. Experts urge the government to appoint experienced, innovative professionals familiar with MBC’s internal culture, promote creativity and integrity, and eliminate political interference. The story of MBC mirrors Malawi’s democratic journey—from state control to citizen empowerment. In the modern information age, media control no longer guarantees loyalty; credibility does.Reforming MBC is not merely a media issue but a national imperative for democracy, transparency, and development. If the institution embraces reform and independence, it can once again become a true public broadcaster—reflecting the aspirations and diversity of all Malawians.

Over the past five years, President Lazarus Chakwera has repeatedly announced grand investment deals supposedly secured during his many international trips. These announcements are usually made with pomp and optimism but time and again, they have failed to materialize into anything tangible for the ordinary Malawian. In November 2021, President Chakwera declared that Malawi had signed a $1 billion investment deal with the Egyptian firm Elsewedy Electric. It was presented as a transformative agreement for Malawi’s energy and industrial sectors. Yet to this day, not a single kwacha of that investment has been seen, no construction has begun, and no jobs have been created. We were also promised an “early Christmas gift” from Brigin. That, too, has gone silent just another promise that made for a good headline and a nice photo opportunity, but delivered absolutely nothing on the ground. Now, during his recent visit to Nigeria, Dr. Chakwera has announced yet another “investment*deal.” But this raises a serious question: Is this just another one of those deals that sounds great in a press release but disappears without a trace? Malawians have heard this story before. We’ve been told that each foreign trip is worth the cost because it attracts investment but where is the evidence? These repeated announcements without delivery have become a pattern. It is beginning to appear that these so-called deals are being used to justify costly foreign travel, rather than to bring real, measurable development to Malawi. We must hold our leaders to a higher standard. Announcements are not achievements. Travel is not development. Press releases do not build roads, create jobs, or feed families. As a nation we deserve better. We need leaders who can not only speak about investment, but actually deliver it, leaders who put the nation before publicity and substance before spectacle.

Otto von Bismarck once said, “Only a fool learns from his own mistakes. The wise man learns from the mistakes of others.” Learning from other people’s mistakes is not rocket science but wisdom of the highest order. Atupele has done what his father did in 2004, joining forces with MCP and killed UDF. Furthermore,  Atupele has proven that common sense for most politicians is not common. They keep repeating mistakes committed by their counterparts. Atupele has made a very serious blunder and unwise decision by joining unpopular MCP to form an electoral alliance at a time when people are going through hell fire in all aspects of life. The case of Atupele dragging UDF into an Alliance with MCP is not only foolish in the eyes of many Malawians but pure lack of wisdom and  insensitivity. He does not care about the cries and suffering of ordinary Malawians who are yearning for freedom, quality life and good leadership now. For the first time in the history of UDF, Atupele has drawn the wrath of the people in Malawi just like his father. This is happening at a time when about eight other parties have withdrawn from the 2020 Tonse Alliance which has proven to be a total failure in many aspects under the leadership of Chakwera? There are case studies of all those who joined MCP and get finished all over the place for the wise to learn from. For instance, UTM was one of the key alliance partners which ended up losing its leader, Dr Salos Chilima in a mysterious plane crash. The alliance terms and conditions were never honored or respected. Chakwera even declared candidacy for  the September, 2025 elections disregarding the agreement MCP made with Chilima in 2020. Atupele must draw lessons from Chilima and the UTM who were used, sidelined and dumped in plain sight of all Malawians by MCP. Chilima was arrested and later lost his life. Do you know that you are repeating the same mistake, Chilima did by turning  against Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika, the man who groomed him to become the country’s vice president? Do you remember that Chilima attacked Mutharika, the man who never arrested him or wronged him even killed him and yet Chilima chose to side with the party that never contributed anything to him and his party. The only sin Mutharika committed  was to entrust Chilima with the responsibility  as the vice president of Malawi in 2014. Do you remember what happened to Sidik Mia who decided to leave DPP to join MCP? He invested his fortunes in excess of billions in the Alliance but died mysteriously yet Chakwera did not even attend his funeral in Chikwawa in disguise of following Covid 19 Preventative measures. Later, the same Chakwera attended a birthday party of Simbi in Mchinji just soon after announcing Covid 19 preventive  measures where he was seen dancing with Awilo Longomba on stage without wearing a mask. Do you know what has happened to Ken Msonda, Uladi Mussa, Grazelder Jefrey and Kantukule of UTM when they decided to join MCP?  They are no longer worth anything there. Its either you or your political career dies with you in MCP. MCP leaders has a tendency of eliminating their political opponents in ways that appear obvious to the general public and they don’t give a damn. What can happen, God forbid, in case MCP wins the 2025 Elections which I doubt; is that they will either dump you, arrest you or you will die a very mysterious ways. Nobody wants you back;  go and be a lesson to  those that are wise. Everybody knows that Atupele is joining the MCP in order to enjoy the exploits realized from the five year corruption spree that has destroyed this country to the core. To make it worse, Atupele has decided to start attacking his fellow opposition leader, Professor Arthur Petter Mutharika accusing him of stealing his votes in the 2019 general elections. This is very unfortunate. Atupele you even lost a parliamentary seat in your constituency and how did you expect to get many votes across the country if your own people from your village could not give their vote? Instead of helping his new partner addressing economic challenges Malawians are facing, he has decided to go to town saying Mutharika is old and he must not contest in the forthcoming elections. This is not the Atupele we all know, he has been compromised to the head. Here is a young man whom many respected and had hopes that he might one day be given a chance to govern this country. But Atupele is trading his integrity and respect for money thinking Malawians will buy his lack of wisdom and insensitive propaganda. In my own opinion, I don’t think any sane member of the UDF will follow Atupele to join MCP in an alliance after experiencing what happened to Chilima and the entire UTM. Atupele is joining MCP at a time when MCP youth are hacking opposition members including civil servants with panga knives in the central region, arbitrary arrests of many people on political grounds and other undemocratic tendencies. I quoted someone saying, “Poyamba timkaganiza kuti Munthu akakhala ndi dazi ndiye kuti ndi wanzeru”. Atupele has made a very big political blunder that will cost him his entire political career. He has missed the opportunity to continue being a young man of integrity. Atupele is going against his own words and principles. He talked about how clueless President Chakwera is during the 2020 Presidential Debate at BICC in Lilongwe. He has disappointed many young people in the country who had hopes that probably young politicians like him would be exemplary  to make a difference in politics. He will definitely contribute to the downfall of UDF and MCP just like what his father did in 2004 because I see many UDF members voting for DPP in the September 2025 elections . If “a” Chair is behind this decision, then both of them have lost respect of all Malawians and they will go down in the memory lane as betrayals of democracy. This is poor decision made at the wrong time. Atupele must know that he has entered the alliance with MCP alone and attacking Mutharika is an attack on all Malawians that are suffering under Chakwera’s poor leadership.  

The road to September, 2025 General Election is getting shorter by day and election fever is getting high as political parties are busy getting prepared to face the nation for the Presidential, Parliamentary and local government elections. Scientific research findings are being released, political analysts predicting the out come of the elections and making suggestions for the winning formulas while both false and genuine prophets are prophesying about who will carry the day on 16th September, 2025. There are several factors why Malawians would want Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika back to power in the September 2025 Presidential election and not the incumbent President Dr Lazaras  Chakwera. His Excellency the Former President of the Republic of Malawi and the DPP President Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika ruled Malawi for 6 years (2014 -2020) registering remarkable development projects across the country. This is contrary to the 5 year rule of Dr Lazaras Chakwera’s which has been marred by corruption, high cost of living, gross in competences in leadership skills, hunger, shortage of fuel, shortage of forex, high unemployment rate, high rates of interests, infringement of people’s rights, political arrests, politically sponsored violence among others. According to a DPP Profile of Development Projects Achieved during Professor Peter Mutharika’s First Term of Administration, Titled APM Delivers – Delivering the Promise; Malawi registered a staggering 3,621 development projects across the country within a period of 6 years of his rule. The 2014 DPP manifesto and the promises contained therein won the hearts of many Malawians such that on 19/20 May 2014, Malawian overwhelmingly ushered back in power the DPP with a five-year mandate to lead the country. In keeping with the party vision laid out by the founder His Excellency Professor Bingu wa Mutharika and as captured in the manifesto, the DPP continued people-centered development approaches, long term infrastructure developments, people-driven economic paradigms, and a culture of respect for human rights and human dignity for all. Since 2014 when DPP ascended to power again, Malawi has seen better roads, better schools and better hospitals. Malawi also successfully implemented policy reforms in the public and private sectors. In this article, Khulubvi Post would like to highlight several development projects that had been initiated by the DPP-led government under President Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika from 2014 to 2020. The 3,621 development projects were implemented across the country with an average of one technical college constructed for each of the 28 districts. The following are some of the notable development projects registered within this period. In Agriculture, Water Development and Climate Change Management – 869 projects Education and Skills Development – 797 Projects Energy, Industry and Tourism Development – 119 Projects Environmental Sustainability – 347 projects Gender, Youth Development, Persons with Disability and Social Welfare – 109 projects. Health and Population Management – 327 projects Human Settlement and Physical Planning 162 – Projects Peace and Security – 51 Projects Transport and ICT Infrastructure -840 Projects During this same period under the Mutharika administration, Malawi enjoyed a period of peace and prosperity and there were no political arrests, no fuel shortages, no forex shortages, no hunger, Freedom of Expression, Freedom of Association, Freedom to demonstrate, there were efforts to eradicate Corruption and the Director of the Anti Corruption Bureau was never arrested or harassed. On the contrary, the Malawi congress Party government under President Chakwera has destroyed everything within 5 years (2020-2025) after attaining power through Judicial Coup under the pretext of a stolen election. Malawians are now counting down to 16th September, 2025 when they will again be given another opportunity to elect their leaders who will be entrusted to manage the economy of Malawi for the next five years. All signs are pointing to Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika who is poised to win in the September, 2025 General Elections due to his track record of development, good governance, embracing rule of law and many other factors. Malawians everywhere are suffering regardless of their status in society. From the religious community to the grave yard diggers, people are expressing their dissatisfaction and disapproval of the current MCP regime and no amount of propaganda will change the mind of noble Malawian who has witnessed the worst government since Malawi attained independence in 1964. People will exercise their right to choose whether to continue suffering or move forward with peace and prosperity. Opinion by Steven Maseya